[i]The large sense of the Platonic
consideration in Politics and the multilevel crisis of the contemporary society
ааааааааа Prof. Philipos Nicolopolus
When we hear the adjective "Platonic" ("Platonic" viewer consideration) our mind is going to something very "idealistic", something that has no reference to "empirical" reality, or has not any connection with "material" or much more "self-interested" human intentions and purposes. That is in few words a several perception as it is emerged from the common language and the common thoughts of people that are not experts.
If one decides in more specific
scientific terms, to analyze the adjective "Platonic" and the whole
consideration that exists behind it, can ЕЕЕЕЕ the distinction between Platonic consideration (PC) stricto senxu (at
the strict sense of the term), which of course, is based on the Plato's ideocratic ontology[ii]
and Platonic consideration lato sensu
(at theа ЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕ sense of the term). The
so-called P.C.а lato sensu is not ЕЕЕЕЕ with the known Plato's theory of objective
existence of the world of ideas on forms (μέθεξη των ιδεών είναι τα όντα[iii]) but has a more broad meaning. It gives
generally a distinct priority to non material way of life, to non material
human goods and to a special intellectual upright ЕЕЕЕЕЕ.. has not concern for
the "usefulness" criteria[iv]
and the "bodily appetites"а of
every day life. The PC consideration is not necessarily classified in the
broader category of idealistic
philosophy, but, of course, is
against the various kinds of the vulgar
materialism, independently if it is associated with left political
ideologies or not.
In the present scientific
announcement I will deal with the PC lato sensu in a more specific area, in politics. This consideration again is
not identified exactly with the Plato's philosophy, as it is presented in his
book Republic[v]
and it is also connected with his own basic ontology and axiology (the
reasoning part of the soul is considered as the highest one and the highest
class of the perfect city-state (the
Philosophers Ц Guardians) is in correspondence with the former[vi]).
This consideration lato sensu, in
turn, is not also classified in the category of Political theories which derive
from idealistic philosophy, but surely it respects the view that politics, more
or less, is a mere outcome of economic
processes and much more is determined exclusively by class struggle[vii]
or by the decisions and guidelines of the powerfulа economic
circles[viii].
Additionally it fights systematically in principle the moral degradation of politics and their tendency
to work more with economic criteria and to serve "bodily appetites"
(desires of material wealth and accumulation of power). It gives priority to
the "non material dimension" of politics associated with ideals,
principles and studies which are the core mission of the Polity and the real
statesmen).
I chose this topic for my scientific
announcement, because I wanted to highlight exactly the negative
characteristics of contemporary politics that are extremely opposite to the PC.
Besides I like to point out what must be changed in their field and what kind
of "vital lead" the contemporary society should find in order to
enhance the quality of its political life and toe get not from the
"labyrinth" of its intricate problems. I preferred the term
"Platonic" consideration and not, for example, Aristotelian (given
that also Aristotle believed to the duty of Polity to give instructions to its
citizens for the "ευ ζην"[ix]). I wanted much more to underscore
and highlight the need for intellectual
uplift and philosophical high-mindedness of the political world in our
times.
- II Ц
The PC lato sensu can be
better understood, if we present analytically its main characteristics.
1)аа The involvement in politics is based on an authentic disposal of offer to society
and polity and not on self-interested intentions and purposes. If the glory,
the fame or the occupation of some prestigious and powerful positions in the
hierarchy of political world is the reward of the aforementioned involvement,
it is a reward of some really qualitative great ЕЕЕЕЕЕЕ andа offers of the political actors to the
society. There is not any space for glory, fame or powerful positions that
"works for themselves",а derive
only from the ambitions of the political actors and have no connection with
political creation and offer.
2)аа Politics
are not used as "means" for ЕЕЕЕЕЕ purpose, e.g. to make money, to
obtain power or to be famous. Politics constitute an "end in itself". It
is a mission for the goodness and the ЕЕЕЕЕЕ of the society.
3)аа Politics
as "end in itself", as mission has to do with a systematic attempt to
create a Polity with virtue and morality.
Justice as idea, is broader than
class-justice and is not connectedа
with the economic and political interests of concrete particular social
forces.
At first, without further
sophisticated elaboration of the notion, we say that there is justice when every part member of the society
fulfils its mission according to his/her nature and his/her special properties.
Thus, we accept that there exists a
differentiation of properties and capabilities among humans[x].
They are not all of them of "equal in physical terms". Justice
there exists when the offers and the regards of the Polity is adapted to that
differentiation and rejects and unfair
vulgar equalitarianism. Surely the point is (the existing social and
political structures and institutions) for the citizens to be able, through the
existing social and political structures and institutions, to highlight their
properties, skills and powers (the necessary prerequisite of the social
equality and of the fair distribution of income and socio-political power).
Additionally justice is conceived in
holistic terms i.e. it refers to the
society as a whole. The "ευ ζην" (good life) to an extent, is
a duty of the Polity for its citizens and the democracy is not limited only to
procedures (voting, elections) Of course we do not mean an authorization or much more totalization way of imposition of "ευ
ζην". We mean more a duty of the
Polityа through dialogue and feedbacks
from citizens. Nevertheless its "outputs" and decisions, in many
cases, are to be based on its own initiatives. Polity is the great teacher and
always begins with a "value guarantee".
4)аа The
real statesmen should believe to the endless moralization and intellectualization of citizens. Economy or the
material prosperity should be considered as mere ЕЕЕЕЕЕ.. for the moral and
intellectual uplift. The discussion and the promotion of the notion of
"virtue" is a very basic part of the whole mission of statesmen. Their
exemplar (their exemplary conduct) itself should be a part of the whole
positive influence on people.
5)аа There
are enlightened humans (men/women) who have higher
level of intellectual powers, capabilities, skills and knowledge compared
with the others, the so-called "many" ("πολλοί" in Socrates' vocabulary) people. These
men/women should be the real statesmen
and leaders, who exercise power believing to their mission to offer to society. In parallel these persons can deal with authentic mental
activities that are not considered "means" for another purpose
(intellectual life also as "end in itself"). So in these leading
circles politics and intellectual life are authentic activities apart from any
kind of expediency chiming thoughts, and ulterior motives (exactly the opposite to the existing inclination of
the most part of the contemporary politicians).
Thus, the differentiation of humans
regarding their intellectual powers coexist
with the acceptance of the principle of
social equality, if, of course, we speak for a regime with political and
social democracy. And the latter does not cancel the former. On the contrary,
in the framework of a real social democracy everybody has the same chances to highlight his/her
special properties and abilities and to reach the positions he/she deserves.
The point is, for every member of the society, to receive what is entitled to
get according to his/her offer to society, to his/her contribution to cultural
creation and to his/her aforementioned particular properties and abilities.
6)аа These
enlightened men/women have advantage in the rational
perception of the common good and they do not adopt the criteria of the
"bodily appetites", as the prevailing ones[xi].
Generally give priority to the "non material" criteria in the whole
function of the society, even though they do not adopt exactly idealistic
doctrines in the field of strict philosophy, and they fight any kind of vulgar materialism (included the trivial
materialism of the contemporary consumption society). Additionally they reject
any kind of "fundamentalism" (included the fundamentalism of the
market economy) that results in a social formation, in which the economic
(material) criteria are again prevailing against any other value world. These
enlightened circles must have the upper hand in the conception formulation,
promotion and final application and imposement of the common good. But
"upper hand" does not mean, of course, authoritarianism and lack of
democratic dialogue with people (dialogue guaranteed through certain political
institutions and processes). The "upper hand" should be based, to an
extent, to the respect towards these leading circles, and their capacity to
convince the people. The spirit of ЕЕЕЕЕЕЕ.., spread out in all levels of the
society and polity, is a prerequisite of allа
those arrangements.
7)аа Those
leading circles do not use easily the
tactics "the ends justifies the means" and they believe to the
human personality as "end in
itself" common point with the Kantian ethics[xii]
and ЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕ.. from the tactics of Jacobins Leninvets and other left
revolutionaries). That belief is connected with their whole culture in which
intellectual and moral values and the mental live and activities themselves are
appreciated as "end in itself". The insistence on "one and only one
goal" in life and the one-sided political considerations are not approved
by them.
- III Ц
In
the contemporary societies, mainly in the capitalist, the powerful economic
circles (e.g. banks, capitalists, corporations) have mostly the upper hand
against the political circles. In many cases the so-called political class
serves the guide lives and the organized interests of therefore mentioned
circles which mostly ЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕЕ.. virus[xiii]
(priority to monetarism, minimizing of governmental institutional intervention
in the field economical life, reduction of taxes, governmental expenditure
andа welfare services.
What is the purpose of those circles? To accumulate more and more capital, more and more money, more and more economic power in order to satisfy their "bodily appetites" (in Platonic terms) and to impose their will in the governmentа and on the peoples (in global terms).
Surely one can add the issue of development, i.e. those circles accumulate capital in order to be able for new investments and thus to push more and more the whole process of economic development in terms of free market. But development differs and if it is isolated from a real progress (justice, social equality, participation democracy, intellectual and cultural quality) will ЕЕЕЕ.. in a "swallow" material society, in which the ЕЕЕЕ increasing participation in consumption society will be the ultimate purpose.
Development by definition or much more "ideology of
development" or "vulgarization" of "development
ideology" that eventually is identified with any kind of growth, does not mean progress[xiv],
does not mean "ευ
ζην" (the good life in Platonic and Aristotelian terms).
Additionally development based on
loans and on international credit system (especially for the peripheral, or
less developed countries) may result in a dangerous trap, if the countries
cannot payoff the loans and are in danger to be confronted with a default.
Development in ЕЕЕЕ. terms ends in a
society with socioeconomic inequalities,
in which its "market section" is much bigger than its "non
market" one[xv]. This
disproportion between the aforementioned sections is negative factor for the
mental and moral quality of the society, as even G. Soros underscores in his
book. The Crisis of Global Capitalism[xvi].
It creates an imbalanced society, "unjust" in Platonic and
Aristotelian terms, because the "material means" become "an end
in itself" and the lower class (in Platonic terms), being predominated by bodily appetites, become the leading,
circle: upside down.
The contemporary economic crisis has to do with the structure of the entire world capitalist system[xvii], and behind that or connected with that there is a serious value and moral crisis that penetrates all the levels and sections of the whole society. We are in a period of anomie, as E.Durkheim would say: No stable value system and the particular individuals do not know where to believe to, they do not have a genuine "moral pole-star", what it remains is the "instinct of survival" transformed (in neoliberal terms) to economic activities, in which private economic units tend to exploit anything and everything (natural and human resources) with ultimate purpose the maximization of profit and power against the necessary interventions of the governmental policies.
So, the crisis is unbelieved and creates a real "labyrinth" of problems with an obvious negative impact upon the preservation of environment and its balance with the man-made systems.
In our times we need to find a "vital lead" to a real intellectual and even more spiritual wored which can help us to govern with equilibrium the already grant material wored that we have created with the ЕЕЕЕ. of modern science and technology. The PC lato sensu in politicsа is a serious contribution to this direction.
[i] See Christofer Janaway "Ancient Greek
Philosophy I: The Pre-Socratics and Plato" in A.C. Grayling Ced.). Philosophy, a Guide through the subject, Oxford,
Oxford University Press, 1995, p.p. 372-380' Harold Cherniss "The
Philosophical Economy of the Theory of Ideas" in Gregory Vlastos (ed.) Plato, I, Gardey City, 1971; Gregory
Vlastos (ed.) "Degrees of Reality in Plato" in R.G.Allen (ed.), Studies in Plato's Metaphysics, London,
1965; J. Annas, An introduction to
Plato's Republic, Oxford, 1981.
[ii] See Christofer Janaway, op. cit.,
p. 378╖ Plato, Phaedo 65d-e, 72e-76e,
95e-1078c; Plato, Republic 507a-511e,
514a-518d, 523a-525b; Plato, Symposium,
210a-211b.
[iii] See Michael J. Sandel, Democracy's Discontent
[iv] See Christofer Janaway, op. cit.,
p.p. 372-375; J. Annas, An Introduction
to Plato's Republic, Oxford, 1981; Plato, Republic, 352d, 427e-434d, 441c-445e, 369b-376c, 412b-417b.
[v] See Christofer Janaway, op. cit.,
p.p. 373-374; Theodosios N. Pelegrinis, I.
Pente, Epoches tis Filosofias (The
Five Eras of Philosophy), Athens, Ellinika Grammata, 1997, p. 67; Plato, Republic, 432b-436b, 441c-445e.
[vi] See K. Marx,а Kritiki
tis Politikis Ikonomias (Critique of the Political Economy),
[vii] See Immanuel Wallenstein, Understanding the World: An Introduction to
World Systems Analysis, 2004, p.p. 62-58.
[viii] See Michael J. Sandel, op. cit., p.
7; Aristotle, The Politics, London,
Oxford University Press, 1946, p. 119-120; Aristotle, The Politics, Book Three, 1280b:10-35, 1281a:1-10.
[ix] At this point there exists to an
extent, an analogy with Plato's views (Plato, Republic, 412b-473b).
[x] See Paul A. Baran, "The
Commitment of the Intellectuals", Monthly
Review (May of 1961) and in Dianooumeni
ke Politiki (Intellectuals and Politics),
[xi] See Theodosios N. Pelegrinis, op.
cit., p.p. 321-322.
[xii] See George Soros, I Krissi tou Pagtosmiou Kapitalismou (The Crisis of Global
Capitalism),
[xiii] See John Perkins, Exomologissi enow ikonomikou dolofonou
(Confessions of an Economic Hitman),
[xiv] See George Soros, op. cit., p.p.
327-345.
[xv] Ibid, p.p. 326-371.
[xvi] See Philippos Nicolopoulos, "The Responsibility of Political
Leadership in the Contemporary Economic Crisis, the Issue of Value Orientation,
and the Contribution of Radical Humanistic Philosophy", Paper
delivered at the 1st Dialectical Symposium of the World Philosophical
Forum (Athens, 4-8 October, 2010) p.p. 10-11, 13-
[xvii] See Emile Durkheim, Kinonikes eties tis Aftoktonias (The Social Causes of Suicide),
Athens, Ger. Anagnostidi Publications, p.p. 284-286; Steven Lukes
"Anomie" inа William Outhwaite
(ed.), The Blackwell Dictionary of Modern
Social Thought, 2nd ed., Oxford, Blackwell Publishing, 2006 p.
17-19.